Today is the anniversary of Khomeini’s death. Khomeini’s legacy is the most tragic legacy in the Iranian modern history. Khomeini is a historical symbol for “Iranian stupidity” and “Western hypocrisy”. The western media said “Khomeini is a Philosopher-King”!, and Iranians believed this bullshit. The great Howard Zinn said : “I think the learning of history is a way of declaring, I wasnt born yesterday; you cant deceive me. What history does is give you enough data so that you can question anything that is said from on high. The history can clarify things, prepare you for dealing with the duplicities of the real world.” If Iranians learned history, Khomeini and the West could not deceive them. And now if young Iranians know the history, the stupid Islamist-Reformists could not deceive them by talking nonsense about Khomeini’s Golden era !! In late July 1988, the Islamic regime began interrogating, torturing and executing thousands of political prisoners throughout the country. The massacre continued into the fall. Well planned and deliberately accomplished in secret, the massacre effectively eliminated any remaining political opposition to then-Supreme Leader Khomeinis regime. Although the exact number of victims is not known, thousands of prisoners were tortured and executed over the course of only a few months. The victims included prisoners who had served their sentences but had refused to recant their political beliefs, prisoners who were serving sentences of imprisonment , people who had been detained for lengthy periods but had not been convicted, and former prisoners who were rearrested. Many had been arrested when they were teenagers for commission of low-level offenses such as distribution of pamphlets. The political views of the victims stretched from support for the Mojahedin (PMOI), to support for the Tudeh Party, a secular Marxist party that until 1983 supported the regime. This was not the first time the Islamic Republic had executed thousands of its opponents or even the first time the regime had executed its opponents. However, the 1988 massacre stands out for the systematic way in which it was planned and carried out, the short time period in which it took place throughout the country, the arbitrary method used to determine victims, the sheer number of victims, and the fact that the regime took extensive measures to keep the executions secret and continues to deny that they took place .
The executions began pursuant to a fatwa issued by Khomeini immediately following Irans announcement that it agreed to a cease-fire in the devastating eight-year Iran-Iraq war, and after the stupid Mojahedin (Rajavi), who were in Iraq, attacked Iran. The fatwa created three-man commissions to determine who should be executed. The commissions, known as Death Commissions by prisoners, questioned prisoners about their political and religious beliefs, and depending on the answers, determined who should be executed and/or tortured. The questioning was brief, not public, there were no appeals, and prisoners were executed the same day or soon thereafter. Many who were not executed immediately were tortured. The Mullah’s regime has never identified those who were secretly executed and tortured, and has never issued an official explanation for why political prisoners of different beliefs, many of whom had been imprisoned for years, were suddenly executed in the summer of 1988. The regime knew that the massacre was a violation of international and Iranian law, and that news of the executions would severely damage its reputation. Therefore, it made every effort to keep the interrogations and executions secret . It closed off the prisons from all visitors, announced public executions in an effort to divert attention, and lied to families and international investigators. Families who were informed about the deaths of their loved ones, were not told until October and November. The exact number of prisoners executed is not known. In February 1989, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (the BastardFather), is reported to have claimed that in the past few months, fewer than 1,000 political prisoners were executed. In 1990, Amnesty International estimated that at least 2,000 prisoners had been killed. Ayatollah Montazeri, in his memoirs, estimated that 2,800 or 3,800 supporters of Mojahedin were executed. He also reported that there were about 500 nonreligious political prisoners. Some survivors, estimate that 4,500 to 5,000 prisoners were executed that summer.
The Khomeini’s fatwa was distributed to prison authorities during the same period in which he agreed to a ceasefire in the regimes eight-year war with Iraq, and while he was terminally ill. After the ceasefire, the stupid Mojahedin (Rajavi) launched a military attack on the western borders of Iran. In fact, Rajavi killed some thousands of Mojahedin in his stupid war, and Khomeini killed some thousands of Mojahedin in his prisons . These prisoners were not arrested during Rajavi’s war, but at least should be considered as “prisoner of war”. Khomeini also killed hundreds or thousands of innocent prisoners who were called Murtads or apostates . The history will not forget this horrible holy crime. Ayatollah Mousavi Ardebili, head of the Judiciary at the time, immediately relayed questions through the ailing Khomeinis son, Ahmad. He asked whether the fatwa covered those who had not yet been tried and those who had already served their sentences, and whether local judicial authorities could act independently of the provincial judicial organs. In response, Khomeini unequivocally replied: In all the above cases, if the person at any stage or at any time maintains his position on Nifaq (hypocrisy), the sentence is execution. Annihilate the enemies of Islam immediately. With regard to the case files, use whichever criterion that speeds up the implementation of the verdict. A second fatwa aimed at
non-religious political prisoners , all of whom were deemed to be Murtads or apostates , was reportedly issued later. To date, a copy of a second fatwa has not surfaced. But the first Khomeini’s Deadly Fatwa was published in “Memoirs of Ayatollah Montazeri”, the then appointed successor to Khomeini the founder of the Islamic regime. The first Khomeini’s Fatwa says: “As the treacherous Monafeqin [Mojahedin] do not believe in Islam and what they say is out of deception and hypocrisy, and as their leaders have confessed that they have become renegades, and as they are waging war on God …it is decreed that those who are in prison throughout the country and remain steadfast in their support for the Monafeqin [Mojahedin], are waging war on God and are condemned to execution . The task of implementing the decree in Tehran is entrusted to Hojjatol-Islam Nayyeri, the religious judge, Mr. Eshraqi, the Tehran prosecutor, and a representative of the Intelligence Ministry. … It is naive to show mercy to those who wage war on God. The decisive way in which Islam treats the enemies of God is among the revolutionary rage and vengeance toward the enemies of Islam, you would achieve the satisfaction of the Almighty God. Those who are making the decisions must not hesitate, nor show any doubt or be concerned with details. They must try to be “most ferocious against infidels.” To have doubts about matters of revolutionary Islam is to ignore the pour blood of martyrs .”Clerics immediately questioned and objected to the fatwa and commissions. Foremost among the objectors was Montazeri, who, at the time, was the chosen successor of Khomeini. He wrote three letters objecting to the mass executions.
The Death Commissions began with the Mojahedin sympathizers. According to some sources, the Commissions simply asked, What is your political affiliation? If the prisoner answered Mojahedin, he was immediately sent away and his name was placed on an execution list . They were executed within a day or two of their interrogation. However, if the prisoner answered munafiq (hypocrite), the Commission proceeded to a second series of questions: Are you willing to publicly condemn the Munafiqin on television? Are you willing to fight with the Islamic Republic against the munafiqin? Are you willing to put a noose around the neck of an active munafiqin? Are you willing to clear minefields for the Islamic Republic? In most cases, a single negative answer condemned the prisoner to execution. In the case of the lefts and apostates, the questions were different. Apparently the Commissions distinguished between two types of Murtads or apostates, Murtad-e Fetri (inmate apostate) and Murtad-e Melli (national apostate) . Individuals are deemed Murtad-e Fetri if they were raised in a Muslim household (or if one of their parents was considered a Muslim) but made a conscious decision to renounce their faith after the age of maturity. Murtad-e Mellis, on the other hand, are individuals who were born to non-Muslim parents, accept Islam after the age of maturity, but renounce it later in life. Prisoners who did not pray and who fell into the first category were executed .Those in the second were whipped. In Tehran, executions were carried out in Evin and Gohar Dasht prisons, both of which were overcrowded. During the summer and autumn of 1988, the Death Commission created by Khomeinis fatwa shuttled back and forth between the two prisons. The members of the Commission included the two men who had been named in Khomeinis fatwa (Hossein-Ali Nayyeri, and Morteza Eshraghi), plus Mostafa Pour-Mohammadi, the deputy Minister of Intelligence. However, prisoners report that others participated in the interrogations, included Ebrahim Raissi, and Esmail Shushtari. (They are the five Mullahs in the second row of the below picture; Some prisoners, who made the following picture, said that the three Mullahs in the first row, were member of the Commission, too)
Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi was asked in December 1988 by an Austrian television reporter what he had to say about the allegations made by the western media concerning the prisoners’ killings. He tried to defend the regime and said: “they had plans to perpetrate killings and massacres. We had to crush the conspiracy”. In 2009, Mousavi responded to student questions about the massacres during his election campaign by stating that the executive branch had nothing to do with “trials”. Mehdi motherf-u-c-k-e-r Karoubi, another stupid leader of Islamist-Reformists stupidly denied his knowledge of the massacre !!, while he had written some letters to Montazeri and condemned him for protesting against the mass executions. In 2009, in response to the Iranian youth’s concerns, an ex-Islamist Reformist confessed: My friends, at the beginning of the Islamic revolution we were all like Ahmadinejad, but we changed our path and our way . But does he tell the truth, or tell lie as usual? Abbas motherf-u-c-k-er Abdi, the greatest Coward Baboon Khatami, and all motherf-u-c-k-er Islamist-Reformits, already has answered this question. They love their criminal leader, Khomeini, and talk nonsense about Khomeini’s Golden era ! For more information about 1988 massacre, you can check Here, a good report with title ‘Deadly Fatwa: ‘ Iran’s 1988 Prisons Massacre’ ,